Dr. Margalit Shlain.
A document concerning Nazi methods For deceiving Theresienstadt prisoners
(Written 1991, rewritten June 2011)
One of the primary elements used by the Germans in the mass murder of the Jews of Europe, within the frame of the "Final Solution", was the extensive spreading of the false information propaganda, deception and camouflage.
The Nazi fake mechanism reached a unique peak in the establishment of Theresienstadt Ghetto (1941-1945), in the Protectorate of Bohemia-Moravia, where nearly all the measures of deception were taken.
At a meeting on October 10, 1941, of SS leaders of in Prague, led by SS Obergroupenfuehrer Heidrich, chief of Security Police and S.D. of the Reich, and acting SS Reichs Protector, it has been stated that :
…certain concessions must be made due to the peculiar mentality of the Czech Jews, which differs from that prevailings in the General-Government in Poland.
In actual fact, from the outset, the Germans had planned that the Ghetto would be only a transit camp, for the Protectorate Jews, toward their deportation to the East.
Outwardly Theresienstadt Ghetto was presented as a "Model Jewish Town". The purpose of which was:
a) To deceive the Jews of the Protectorate and to ease their mind in order to gain their co-operation.
b) To deceive international bodies by bringing their representatives to visit the Ghetto in order to put an end to the rumors circulating in the free world about mass murder of Jews in the "East".
In order to satisfy certain circles inside Germany, the Nazis needed some pretext which signified that not all the Jews are murdered and that the "Final Solution" in general was carried out within some legal framework. This was done by sending elders and prominent Jews from the Reich to Theresienstadt Ghetto as was established later in the Wannsee conference of January 20, 1942.
The protocol of the conference reads:"
...this solution will end a lot of interference once and for all."
The Germans managed to persuade the leaders of the Jews in the Protectorate as to the "seriousness" of their plans to establish a Ghetto in Theresienstadt by inviting the leaders to participate in the detailed planning of all aspects of life in the Ghetto.
Building a "Model Jewish Town", was indeed something that was in accordance with their values, and was in a way a challenge worthy of their aspirations as pioneers. It should be remembered, that in 1941 the majority of the Jewish leadership in Prague was Zionist.  The concept of "Rescue by Work" held by the leadership, prevailed also among all other Jewish leaders in the Ghettos of Poland at this time.
Theresienstadt was supposed to be a self-supporting production unit, vital for the German war machine. All believed that it will prevent the deportations to the East, of some 88,000 Jews that were still in the Protectorate in October 1941.
Alas, the Jews of the Protectorate will have to gradually shed all their illusions about Theresienstadt. Eventually, they realized that they have been deceived and that the promise for, a "night shelter", turned to be a transit camp on the road to death. The Ghetto was meant to be a welfare Ghetto for elders and prominent Jews of the Reich.
* * * *
An example of the tireless efforts made by the Germans to mislead the Jews in the Ghetto, and to hide the truth about the annihilation in the East, can be found in an official document issued by Theresienstadt camp command, on October 28, 1942. 
This is apparently the report forwarded by SS Obersturmfuehrer Dr. Siegfried Seidl to IVB4 section in Reichssicherheitshauptamt. (From now on, will be referred to as RSHA).
Since this document is a central element in this article, I wish to clarify some points before going on:
1. On December 7, 1988, the above mentioned document (not including the annexes mentioned in it) was forwarded to Yad-Vashem archives in Jerusalem by Mr. Leo Ulman of Italy.
2. The name of Seidl the camp commander in Theresienstadt (from November 24, 1941 to July 6, 1943), does not appear in the document. It may be assumed that he did write it, since he was the only SS officer in Theresienstadt at that time (October 1942) bearing the rank of Obersturmfhuerer, which is the rank of the writer of the document. Moreover, Seidl, in his capacity as camp commander, was the person who maintained the daily contacts with the Council of Elders in the Ghetto (instructions, orders and reporting) namely with Jakob Edelstein, the first Judenaeltester in Theresienstadt (December 5, 1941 – January 27, 1943) mentioned in the document.
3. The top part of this document does not carry, as usual, the name of the recipient. Since at the end of the document (in paragraph II) the recipient is requested to bring it to the knowledge of the head of IVB4 section in RSHA, SS Obersturmbanfuehrer Eichmann. It may be assumed that the document was actually intended for this section. It is not clear whether the document was sent directly to IVB4 (Theresienstadt Ghetto being under the direct command of Eichmann throughout the entire period), or that it was first sent to the "Zentralstelle fuer Juediche Auswanderung im Boehem und Moehren" in Prague which was subordinate to the section. 
This document offers a valid evidence as to the methods used by the Nazis in misleading and deceiving the Jewish prisoners in the Theresienstadt Ghetto.
In October 1942, the Germans forced the Jewish administration of the Ghetto to organize the transportation to the East of 10,000 ex – Protectorate Jews above the age of 60.
This actually meant deporting the parents of those young people which were to remain in the Ghetto. Contrary to previous deportations, this time it was clearly announced by the Council of elders that:
There is no right to appeal to the Council of Elders (by those listed for deportation.
Since there were only 7,000 Czech elders in the Ghetto in October 1942, it seems that Seidl had deviated from the orders (to deport persons above 60) and included younger people in these transports, whether volunteers or selected by the transport committee of the Council of Elders. 
These members of the transport committee, as well as many Czech Jews in the Ghetto, were now faced, more bitterly than ever, with a moral dilemma, namely, who has "the privilege" to remain in the Ghetto.
Making a decision on this matter was very difficult for the committee. This is reflected in many entries recorded in the diary of Egon Redlich, who was a member of the transport committee:
October 19, 1942 … as for the sons there is this dilemma: whether to go [voluntarily] with them [the parents] or to stay in the Ghetto
October 24, 1942 … a crisis again. The whole week, day and night, transports are being arranged, anxiety, fear and confusion fill the hearts of the deportees and sometimes also the hearts of those who "decide" who will go
In the Ten Commandments it says:
Honor thy father and thy mother: that thy days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee. 
Alas, "honor thy parents" was not enough to ensure long life for the children, at this instance, and any decision they had to take was cruel and heart-rending. The relatives of the deportees, were particularly agitated by the rumors and bits of information regarding the fate of their parents.
Therefore, the report of the camp commander in October 1942, deals with the feelings and rumors circulating among the Jews in the Ghetto, regarding the transports of the elders which were carried out in this month:
Theresienstadt, October 28, 1942.
Subject: Transports of Elders to the East.
During the first half of October, the Judenaeltester Edelstein reported that a rumor spread in ghetto Theresienstadt claiming that transports, originating here, were detained on the way by German officials and that the passengers of these transports were murdered..
In October 1942 the annihilation of Jews in the East (Soviet Union and Poland) – reached its peak.
What did the people of the Ghetto know about it? What was the source of the rumors and how widely were they spread?
a. The BBC broadcasted from London that month, a news item about exterminating Jews by gas inside trucks. The Zionist underground group in the ghetto, headed by Ing. Druker, managed to hear this broadcast and the information was reported to
Jakob Edelstein the Judenaeltester and to Ing. Otto Zucker, his deputy. 
b. Further rumors about the murder of the Jews in the East arrived at the Ghetto at the same time through Jewish workers from Theresienstadt, who met Czech railway workers. The Czechs told them:
… that the transports from the Ghetto reached Lithuania and Latvia and that people are shot there...
This last sentence is a quotation from the testimony of Viteslav Diamant, survivor of the Theresienstadt Ghetto, given in the Eichmann trial in Jerusalem. 
Even though these rumors did not spread among the entire prisoners, it is obvious that the Ghetto was in a state of great anxiety and waited for further explanations from Edelstein, the Judenaeltester.
To justify his activity as a leader in the Ghetto and head of its Council of Elders, which organized the transports to the East, Edelstein was bound to find out, whether there was any truth in the rumors about the killing of the deportees. The only way he had, although very dubious, was to approach the camp commander and examine his reaction in this matter.
Further reading of the report will prove to what extent Seidl, tried to refute the rumors, or at least to raise doubts in Edelstein's mind as to their validity:
I tried to prove to Edelstein how unlogical the rumors are, by pointing out the existing difficulties of transportations on the Eastern front, and added that had we intended to kill them, we would not have to use transport at all. We could poison their food and save the means of transport. I had the impression that I managed to put Edelstein's mind at ease.
This brutal cynicism in denying the rumors of the extermination, is in accordance with the methods of the German deception and camouflage, typical of the calculated activities of all agencies who dealt with the "Final Solution".
Thus, did all the German officials and Gestapo staff in the Warsaw Ghetto deceive and mislead Adam Czeniakov, the head of the Judenrat in the Ghetto and used him as an instrument in cheating the Jewish population in the Ghetto.
From Czeniakov's diary we learn that three days before he committed suicide, and two days before the beginning of the great deportation of the Warsaw Jews to Treblinka, he tried to verify the truth about the ever growing rumors in the Ghetto as to the forthcoming deportation:
July 20, 1942,
The German officials, Mende and Brandt, replied that they have no knowledge whatsoever about this matter. The commissar Boehm denied the rumors that the general evacuations is about to proceed on that day at 7.30 p.m., and remarked: "I would certainly have know if some of that was true!.
The deputy director of section 3, Scherer, expressed his wonder about the rumors and claimed that all those rumors are sheer nonsense: "Unsinn und Quatsch
". Jusuiter and Schleter, were really angry about those wanton rumors and declared that: "there will be an investigation into this matter".
Counting on that, the Judenrat head, Czeniakov, ordered all regional stations in the Ghetto to inform the population that there is nothing to worry about. That took place when all German preparations for the evacuation had already been completed and the army unit, which arrived from Lublin to effect the evacuation, was already in Warsaw. 
Was Edelstein's mind really "put at ease?"
Seidl's "logical" claim that it would be more profitable to poison rather than to deport, had a morbid precedence in Theresienstadt Ghetto, in early January 1942. At that time, the Germans had intercepted two letters that were smuggled out from the Ghetto. Seidl demanded that the writers of those letters confess, and promised that no harm will come to them. Sixteen of the Jews, who believed the parole d'honneur of a German officer, admitted. They were all arrested tried and condemned to death for: "An offence against German dignity".
They were hanged in the Ghetto. It seems that the fact that Germans resorted to hanging, "proved", as it were, that deportees lives are not in danger. Otherwise, the Germans could easily add them to one of the transports to the East, had they meant to kill them. 
It is hard to believe that Edelstein, who was a realist and experienced in his dealing with the Germans, especially with Seidl, "was really reassured" by "the explanations", as Seidl had assumed. On the contrary. Seidl's reply had probably worried him very much and had increased his doubts, since he had revealed to no one any detail of this conversation with the camp commander.
Moreover, in mid October 1942, when more information about a certain elders transport had reached the Ghetto and caused great concern, Edelstein had not tried again to verify the details with Seidl. It seems that the accumulation of information had confirmed his suspicions.
On the other hand, Seidl reported to his superiors :
A chalk inscription ……. On wagon Dresden 54392 – saying:
"17.10.1942, 3 o'clock in Warsaw, we travel on, no food, no water, Transport BV, 16.10.1942", made the Jews believe that it is impossible for a transport to reach Warsaw in such a short time. It cannot be established if any Jew had already come to the conclusion that it could have meant 3 p.m...
It is impossible nowadays to clarify what was the exact time of departure of transport BV from Theresienstadt. The "Tagesbefehl"-"Order of the day" of the Ghetto administration on October 18, 1942, stated:
Elders transport [BV] departed on October 15, 1942, carrying 1,988 persons from the Ghetto to the East.
But as had often happened in Theresienstadt, it is possible that the transport in question was delayed at the station, and departed only on October 16, as mentioned in the inscription on the wagon. The Jews in the Ghetto, as Seidl reported, knew about the stress on the German railways at the time. Their doubts as to the possibility that transport BV had reached Warsaw on October 17, at 3 a.m. were logical.
As far as we know, transport BV was deported to Treblinka death camp, a voyage which under prevailing conditions took about two days.  No one survived this transport. 
The Germans, as their methods go, tried to delude the relatives of the deportees in Theresienstadt. They managed to do so, by providing letters from the deportees of this transport, that were "mailed" through the German postal service.
… Two more letters from transport BV arrived by mail, the content of which had greatly reassured the people in the Ghetto, since letters of this kind pass from hand to hand, and spread like a ball of fire…..
Throughout the entire existence of Ghetto Theresienstadt, the Jews in it were in constant fear of deportations to the East, due to the uncertainty regarding the fate of the deportees. This fear grew deeper with the accumulation of rumors about their mass murder. Although, only few letters arrived from the many deportees (about 10,000 in October 1942), these letters were sufficient for creating an illusion among the prisoners, who believed that they were not being sent to their death.
Psychologically it can be explained, that in face of mortal danger, persons will hold on to anything, however feeble. It was only human that the victims, could not perceive and accept the possibility of the existence of machinery for murdering millions of innocent Jews, and in our case, old people that were sent alone to their ghastly voyage while their children remained behind.
The camp commander's report about letters sent, as it were, from Treblinka to Theresienstadt can be regarded as extraordinary for this camp; although we know that deceiving by means of fake letters was a common practice by the Germans. 
Further rumors reached the Jews in Theresienstadt in October 1942, as to the location of the "new Ghetto" in the East, which was allegedly intended for further deportations from the original Ghetto.
In their policy of deception, the Germans used a special terminology in order to conceal the process of extermination. Innocent terms have actually had totally different and ominous meaning.  "Umsiedlung" usually meant massacre. They also used extensively the term "evakuierung", for instance, when they deported the Jews of the Reich and the Protectorate to Kovno, Minsk and Lodz Ghettos. But in a speech to commanders of the SS in Posen, in October 4, 1943, when there was no need for whitewash, Himmler said bluntly, that evakuierung means extermination:
Ich meine die Judenevakuierung die Ausrottung des juedischen Volkes. 
It is obvious that the Jews of the Ghetto, more so, their leader Jakob Edelstein, were very anxious to verify with the camp commander the truth about rumors of the "New Ghetto".
In the camp commander's report we read further:
… A few days later Edelstein mentioned that the New Ghetto in the East, will apparently be in Sosnowitz…
… A day later I learned from Edelstein that the people in Ghetto Theresienstadt thought that the new Ghetto will be in Sczypiorno near Ostrowo / Warthegau in a camp previously used to hold prisoners of war. …
What was the origin of these rumors?
The life of the Jews in Sosnowitz and Benedin Ghettos in Zagelembia region (Eastern Upper Shlezia) was relatively better than that of other Jews in General-Gouvernement throughout most of the German occupation.  This was common knowledge also in the Czech Protectorate. Therefore the Jews in Theresienstadt believed that they will eventually be sent to Ghetto Sosnowitz, which lasted until August 1, 1943. 
As for the Germans, they did their best to deceive the Jews in Theresienstadt and to reinforce the rumors about the "New Ghetto", which would be "similar" to Theresienstadt, while the destination of all transports to the East was the death camps, Auschwitz in particular.
On behalf of Eichmann, Hauptsturmfuehrer Moehs, announced on January 27, 1943, the change of personnel in the Ghetto administration. This announcement again included a deliberate mention about the existence of the "New Ghetto":
… Since the suggestion of establishing a new Ghetto similar to Theresienstadt is under consideration, the possibility of appointing Edelstein as head of the new Ghetto is being taken into consideration.
Seidl added in this matter that:
… It is probable that he will move together with Edelstein to the new Ghetto, in case this plan will be carried out.
Moehs lied bluntly, since he knew very well that Mueller, the head of the Gestapo, ordered in December 16, 1942, to transfer reinforced labor groups to concentration camps by the end of January 1943. This order also included the transfer of 10,000 Jews from Theresienstadt to Auschwitz: …"of which 5,000 are fit for work and 5,000 are generally incapable",
so as to reduce the number of Jews in the Ghetto. 
The fear about the fate of the deportees in the "New Ghetto" in the East, rose again to new heights, as the transportations from Theresienstadt were renewed between the 20 of January and 1 of February 1943, after three months interval. By Mueller's order, as mentioned above, 7,001 persons, this time below the age of 60, were deported to the East, actually to Auschwitz, in 5 transports.
On the first of February 1943, Dr. Paul Eppstein, the New Judenaeltester, and his present deputy, Jakob Edelstein, met with Seidl. They tried to find out if there is any possibility of maintaining direct postal links with the deportees to the East, namely the elders deported in October 1942 and the young deported in January 1943.
In his reply Seidl made it clear, that this can not be granted, since, owing to procedure, all postal communications are done through Berlin: …"nevertheless he may be able to arrange an exception in this matter".
In this conversation he mentioned, as if by the way, a camp by the name of Birkenau (which is a name of a tree, suggesting pastoral environment).
The Jews in the Ghetto had maps of Europe which carried names of towns in Poland. But they could not imagine what was the function of this place (Birkenau) in the Nazi extermination system.
After an interval of seven months, on September 1943, the Germans renewed the transports. In order to reassure the people in Theresienstadt they authorized certain connection with Birkenau. In a typical German fraud, they refused to release from this transport of September 1943, Dr. Leo Janowitz, a close friend of Edelstein's. In spite of Edelstein's pleadings he was told that:
… Since the entire transport is due to the new Ghetto, a man experienced in setting-up a Ghetto is needed, and Dr. Janowitz [the secretary of the administration and head of the secretariat], was found suitable.
When the first postcards arrived in the Ghetto, from the 5,007 deportees to Birkenau (Family camp BIIB) in September, the Germans manage to ease the minds in the camp. Any hints that the senders tried to insert in those postcards were not understood in the Ghetto. Hanka Fishel, a Ghetto survivor, stated that:
The postcards did not reveal anything to us. One postcard said: "We are fairly clean. We were given clothing and blankets. We remember the good days in Theresienstadt, signed: "Maveth", which in Hebrew means death". 
* * *
Between the 5th and 25th of October 1942, 8,000 Jews were deported from Theresienstadt to the death camp Treblinka. Only two survived (from transport BU of the 8th of October, 1942).
The successive transportations and the terrible rumors around them, made the practical organization of the transport at the end of 1942, almost impossible. There was complete chaos at the departure to Auschwitz of transport BY on October 26, due to many changes made until the last moment. Some of the people took advantage of the situation, did not report at their stations and hid themselves in the Ghetto. Eventually, transport BY departed with 1,866 persons instead the designated 2,000, which were due to complete the quota of 10,000 determined by the Germans for October 1942. Out of this transport only 28 survived. 
In spite of the severe confusion at the time of the departure of transport BY, Edelstein managed to persuade Seidl to refrain from deporting an additional transport (BZ), in October 1942. 
All in all, out of 9,866 Jews deported in October 1942, from Theresienstadt to Treblinka and Auschwitz death camps, only 30 survived.
All those rumors that reached Theresienstadt in October, about the fate of the deportees did indeed cause great apprehension in the Ghetto. Unfortunately, the Germans did manage by means of deception, as we have learnt from the document, to subdue this apprehension.
As a result, they were not aware of the true meaning of the "New Ghetto" to which they were being sent.
The deportees to the East, did not know that this was their last voyage. And those who stayed behind, "protected" in the Ghetto, could not perceive that remaining there provided, only, a temporary illusion.
 MS-PRAG, Exhibit 294ת/
, in the: Eichmann Trial
, The Government’s Legal Adviser versus A. Eichmann, Sentence and Verdict
, Information Center, Jerusalem, 1962,
 The Protocol of the Wannsee Conference 20.1.1942 NG – 2586.
 Central Zionist Archives S–25–2374.
 Yad-Vashem Archives 064/402 no 7952, annex attached.
 From the 27 of August 1942, "The Zentalstelle" was called "Zentralamt zur Regelung der Judenfrage in Boehem und Maehern". The Zentalstelle in Prague was administratively affiliated to the local security police (B.D.S.), but in fact it was a branch of Eichmann section IV B 4 in RSHA in Berlin. The Eichmann's Trial
, The Government’s Legal Adviser versus A. Eichmann, Sentence and Verdict
, Jerusalem, 1962, p. 177.
 Tagesbefel No. 233 of 12.10.1942 Yad-Vashem Archives 064/388.
 Egon Redlich, Life as if
, The diaries from Ghetto Theresienstadt (1942-1944), Ghetto Fighters House, Israel, 1983 p. 129.
 Ibid p. 131.
 Ibid p. 132.
, Edited by Yehuda Resnichenko, Israel Labor Party, 1947
, The Eichmann Trial
, The Government Legal Adviser versus A. Eichmann, Information Center, Jerusalem, 1974, Vol. I p. 621.
 Adam Czeniakov, Warsaw Ghetto Diary
(6.9.1939-23.7.1942), edited by Nachman Blumental and others, Yad-Vashem, Jerusalem, 1968, p. 324-5.
 Tagesbefel No. 23 of 20.1.1942, Yad-Vashem Archives TR-109.
 An Interview of the writer with Ari Tarsi 28.11.1985 [MS].
 Tagesbefel No. 234 Yad-Vashem Archives 064/388.
 Richard Glazar testimony (one of the two survivors), Yitzhak Arad, Belzez, Sobibor, Treblinka – The Operation Reinhard Death Camps
, Am-Oved, Tel-Aviv, 1988, p. 182.
 Zdenek Lederer, Ghetto Theresienstadt
, London, 1953, p. 233.
 Another example is Edelstein's letter, of the 27.1.1944, from Auschwitz to Theresienstadt. Yad-Vashem Archives No. 064/90.
 Shaul Esh, Words and their meanings, Twenty-Five Examples of Nazi Idiom, Yad-Vashem Studies
. Vol. V, p. 5.
 Trials of War Criminals, The Medical Case, Nurnberg, October 1946-April 1949, PS – 1919.
 Leni Yachil, The Holocaust
, Yad-Vashem, 1987, Vol. I p. 286-292, Vol. II p. 631.
 Joseph Kermish, Akcja
, Yad-Vashem, 1961 Vol. I, p. LX.
 Yad-Vashem Archives, TR-1239.
 Mueller's order is mentioned in his letter to Himmler of the 16.12.1942 quoted from H.G. Adler, Die Verheimlichte Wahrheit
, Theresienstaedter Dokumente
, Mohr, Tuebingen, p. 299-300, 1958.
 Aktenwermerk, of 1.2.1943, Ibid, 137-139.
 An Interview of the writer with Ari Tarsi, 28.11.1985 [MS].
, Edited by Yehuda Resnichenko, Israel Labor Party, 1947, p. 175.
 Zdenek Lederer, Ghetto Theresienstadt
, London, p. 223.
Theresienstadt, den 28.0kt, 1942
Er.Nr. VI/1 - 2/42 GRS.
Betrifft: Alterstransporte nach dem Osten.
In der ersten Oktoberhaelfte teilte mir Judenaelteste
Edelstein mit, im Ghetto Theresienstadt ginge das Geruecht,
die von hier abgefertigten Transporte wuerden unterwegs
von deutschen Behoerden aufgehalten und die Transportteil –
nehmer ermordet werden.
Ich habe Edelstein das Sinnlose dieses Geruechtes in der
Form nachzuweisen versucht, dass ich auf die in Zusammen –
hang mit der Versorgung der Ostfront bestehenden Transport –
schwierigkeiten hinwies und erklaerte, wenn dies beabsichtigt
sei, waere ein Abtransportieren nicht notwendig. Man koennte ja
ins Essen Gift geben und wuerde so noch Transportmittel ein-
sparen. Ich habe den Eindruck, dass Edelstein durch diese Dar-
stellung beruhigt ist.
Einige Tage spaeter erwaehnte Edelstein, das neue Ghetto im
Osten wuerde sich in Sosnowitz befinden .Er wuerde mit jedoch
noch naeher Bescheid geben. Am Tage danach uebergab er mir
die in der Anlage beigefuegte Karte mit dem anliegenden Ver-
merk. Somit ist im Ghetto Theresienstadt die Meinung verbrei-
tet, das neue Ghetto befaende sich im ehemaligen Kriegsgefange-
neniager Sczypiorno bei Ostrowo/Warthegau.
Eine Kreideinschrift – nicht wie ursprueglich gemeint, ein
Zettel - im Wagen Dresden 54392 "17.10.1942, 3 Uhr in Warschau,
fahren weiter ohne Essen, onne Wasser,Transport Bv 16.10.1942"
gibt Anlass zur Ansicht unter den Juden, dass dies nicht stim—
nen koennte, da ein Transport in der kurzen Zeit nicht in War-
schau sein koennte.Ob ein Jude schon daraufgekommen, dass dies
besser 15 Uhr heissen soll, kann ich nicht feststellen.
Mitt der Post eingetroffen sind weiters Briefe aus den Trans-
port Bv, deren inhalt wesentlich zur Beruhigung der –Ghettoin-
sassen beigetragen hat. Derlei Schriftstuecke gehen ja wie ein
Lauffeuer von Hand su Hand.
II. SS-Obersturabannfuehrer E i с h m a n n, RSHA IV 4, mit der
Bitte um Kenntnisnahme.